Members of the National Guard and members of Federal Law Enforcement Agencies stand outside the main hall of Union Station in Washington, D.C.

Republican governors sent National Guard to DC despite violence at home

Kent Nishimura // Getty Images

Republican governors sent National Guard to DC despite violence at home

When Mississippi Gov. Tate Reeves announced he was sending his state鈥檚 National Guard troops to Washington, D.C., at President Donald Trump鈥檚 request, he framed the move as a matter of public safety. 鈥淐rime is out of control there, and it鈥檚 clear something must be done to combat it,鈥 Reeves declared.

But several parts of Reeves鈥 state are worse off than Washington. At least 17 Mississippi counties endured more gun homicides per capita than the nation鈥檚 capital in 2024. That includes Hinds County, home to the state capital of Jackson, where the rate was nearly twice that of Washington鈥檚 last year.

Reeves isn鈥檛 alone. Five other Republican governors 鈥 in Louisiana, Tennessee, South Carolina, Ohio, and West Virginia 鈥 also dispatched guard units to Washington in August, echoing Trump鈥檚 rhetoric about a city in crisis.

But a analysis of shows that most of those states suffer from some of the nation鈥檚 highest gun homicide rates, with some areas worse than the capital Republicans portray as especially dangerous.

鈥淲hy is there not more outrage in those states about their higher violence rates?鈥 said Shani Buggs, a violence prevention researcher at the University of California, Davis. 鈥淪pending state resources to outsource people to other cities doesn鈥檛 make sense. If this is supposed to be a strategy for reducing violence, why aren鈥檛 they employing it within their own states?鈥

The Trace reached out to the six governors who have deployed guard units to Washington and asked if they were planning to send troops to violent crime hotspots in their own states. One responded.

鈥淥hio has traditionally helped the District of Columbia, Ohio mayors, and other states when they request assistance from the Ohio National Guard or the Ohio State Highway Patrol,鈥 said Daniel Tierney, a spokesperson for Gov. Mike DeWine. Tierney noted that the state had deployed the guard to Cleveland and Columbus, Ohio, at the behest of Democratic mayors to help quell protests over the 2020 police murder of George Floyd.

The data

The nation鈥檚 capital has long been a political scapegoat for Republicans, who point to its homicide rate as evidence of Democratic mismanagement. Last year, Washington鈥檚 gun homicide rate stood at 18.7 per 100,000. If it were a state, it would have the nation鈥檚 highest rate. But Mississippi鈥檚 homicide rate was nearly as high 鈥 16.9 per 100,000 鈥 and Tennessee, South Carolina, and Louisiana each ranked in the top 10 states for gun homicides. Ohio and West Virginia fall closer to the national average.

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Data map showing how gun homicide rates differ dramatically across states, with Southern states having among the highest rates.
Chip Brownlee // The Trace


Washington is almost entirely urban, lacking the suburban and rural areas that help pull down most statewide averages. The district鈥檚 land area 鈥 about 68 square miles 鈥 is smaller than most counties but more comparable in scale, making counties a more fitting benchmark than entire states. County-level data also provides consistency, as it is a standard unit in federal public health reporting, unlike city-level data, which can be uneven.

The Trace analysis of counties found areas within several Republican-controlled states that face higher levels of gun violence than Washington. Four of the six states that have deployed guard units to Washington have at least one county that鈥檚 deadlier. Mississippi has the most counties with gun homicide rates exceeding Washington鈥檚, at 17.

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Data map showing firearm homicide rates per 100,000 residents for U.S. counties in 2024.
Chip Brownlee // The Trace


鈥淔rom a rational perspective, there鈥檚 very little to support these states outsourcing people to communities that are not asking for this,鈥 Buggs said. 鈥淢eanwhile, there have been cuts to violence prevention strategies, health care, Medicaid, affordable housing, social services, and youth job programs. Those are the things communities are asking for 鈥 not this type of intervention.鈥

Annual gun homicide rates fell by double-digits last year in the three cities Trump has focused most of his attention on: Washington, Chicago, and Baltimore. Meanwhile, at least 31 of 82 Mississippi counties saw their rates increase. In Louisiana, 19 parishes endured increases, as did 36 Tennessee counties.

In New York, where Trump has also threatened to send the guard, 66 Mississippi counties, 50 Louisiana parishes, 38 South Carolina counties, and 20 Tennessee counties had more gun homicides per capita last year than the Bronx, the New York City borough with the highest rate. Ohio had eight deadlier counties, while West Virginia had one.

A double standard?

The governors sent troops to Washington, but at home they鈥檝e taken a more subtle approach, coordinating with federal and local law enforcement partners 鈥 something the Trump administration reportedly has not done with leaders in any of the states to which he鈥檚 mentioned deploying troops.

Louisiana Gov. Jeff Landry, the only one of the six governors to have served in the National Guard, or in the military at all, has used the guard for security within his state. He the guard to assist police in the aftermath of the New Year鈥檚 truck attack and shooting on Bourbon Street in New Orleans, and again for the Super Bowl.

Four Louisiana parishes 鈥 as counties are called there 鈥 have gun homicide rates higher than Washington鈥檚, including Orleans Parish and East Baton Rouge Parish, home to the state鈥檚 largest city and state capital, respectively, The Trace found. Caddo Parrish, where Shreveport is located, also had a higher rate, as did Rapides, a solidly Republican county that includes Alexandria.

In Baton Rouge, Sateria Tate-Alexander, who runs the nonprofit anti-violence group AGILE, said Landry鈥檚 deployment to Washington is a waste of resources that could be used to help reduce violence in her community. AGILE鈥檚 violence intervention programs are at risk of shutting down after the city鈥檚 new mayor, a Republican, canceled a federally funded grant. 鈥淚t actually is devastating because we see it all the time, the wasted resources or the displacement of resources,鈥 she said. 鈥淚t makes me angry.鈥

She said the Louisiana cities suffering from high rates of violence need more state support for community programs. 鈥淰iolence is a complex issue, so we have to have an equally complex solution to actually be effective,鈥 she said. 鈥淲hat we鈥檙e seeing is the opposite.鈥

In Memphis, where violence is worse than in Washington, community groups say they鈥檝e also been left in the lurch 鈥 even as Tennessee Gov. Bill Lee sends guard troops to the nation鈥檚 capital. 鈥淚t makes me feel like they鈥檙e ignoring the violence 鈥 that they鈥檙e not concerned about what鈥檚 going on here in the city of Memphis,鈥 said Brian Tillman, a violence interrupter with the 901 B.L.O.C. Squad, a violence prevention team that was recently furloughed after its budget was slashed.

鈥淚f you have resources to allocate to D.C., why wouldn鈥檛 you have resources to allocate to the city of Memphis,鈥 he said. 鈥淚f you鈥檙e not addressing the root causes, then you鈥檙e not part of the solution, which makes you part of the problem.鈥

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